Corruption in Ukraine (2)
On Tuesday, July 22, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine voted to strip the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) of their independence.
The draft law No. 12414, passed on Tuesday, places NABU and SAPO under the Prosecutor General’s Office – effectively within the president’s purview.
Here is what happened, why this is concerning – and why it might be a silver lining for Ukraine’s anti-corruption reform, despite the concerns.
Hastily passed bill
The bill was passed within hours of its appearance.
In the morning, the bill appeared on the agenda and within two hours, it was already voted on, despite opposition.
Ukrainian society’s reaction was almost unanimous: The vote was seen as a step backward.
“The anti-corruption infrastructure in the country has been smashed. You can have different views on NABU, SAPO, [State Bureau of Investigation] DBR, [Bureau of Economic Security] BEB, and others, criticize them – but their work was a huge step forward,” lawmaker Inna Sovsun wrote after the bill was passed.
There might be risks, and there might be flaws – but these alone should not be enough to demolish an entire agency, she said.
“There were enough high-profile investigations and important cases. If NABU really had Russian agents, it’s good they were found – sad that it took this long. But that’s no reason to demolish an entire institution. By that logic, we might as well abolish the SBU and the Verkhovna Rada – there are even more Russian moles there,” she added.
Many representatives of civil society say it reminds them of the pre-Euromaidan Yanukovych era– especially considering that fighting corruption and maintaining independent institutions are among the EU’s demands in the Eurointegration process.
Many fear this process will now slow down.
The “Group of Seven” (G7) Ambassadors for reform in Ukraine have issued a public statement expressing “serious concerns” over the raids on NABU and SAPO that took place on Monday.
Kyiv PostUkraine's President Volodymyr Zelensky has signed a bill that critics say weakens the independence of the country's anti-corruption bodies, sparking protests and drawing international criticism.
Critics say the new law undermines the authority of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (Nabu) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (Sapo) - placing them under the control of the prosecutor general.
In an address on Wednesday, Zelensky said both agencies would still "work", but needed to be cleared of "Russian influence".
After the bill passed, hundreds of people gathered in Kyiv for the biggest anti-government protest since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022.
BBC.Background:
****
Ukraine Shoots Itself in the Foot — Again: The controversial parliamentary vote to strip the independence of Ukraine’s top anti-corruption bodies is nothing short of self-sabotage. Yes, the bill's passage alone has already sparked shock in Brussels and beyond. It’s the clearest sign yet of a presidential administration increasingly bent on consolidating power, even at the expense of transparency, reform, and trust. In a single move, Ukraine risks jeopardizing billions in military and economic aid, and potentially stalling its EU accession — all for short-term political control. For those who still insist Ukraine’s corruption problem is “overblown,” I’d urge them to speak with the countless businesspeople who are stifled by bribes and red tape — or the Ukrainians abroad who say they won’t come back unless peace is matched by real reform. War is no excuse for backsliding. Zelensky’s government was elected on a promise of change. The West is watching. Ukrainians are watching. And they will not accept a return to the old ways.
Opposition Efforts to Restore Anti-Corruption Agency Independence Intensify
As Zelensky seeks a compromise, opponents of Bill No. 12414 are pursuing legal repeal through parliament and a constitutional challenge to block the law.
Kyiv Post.A gift to the Kremlin — and to Washington’s far right
This moment will be seen in Moscow as a propaganda gift. Putin’s regime has long argued that Ukraine is just as corrupt as Russia — only with better PR. Now, it can point to real evidence that one of the last bastions of independence and transparency has been kneecapped.
But it’s not just the Kremlin that’s cheering.
In Washington, MAGA Republicans like Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga)— who have long opposed further aid to Ukraine — will seize on this as validation. Why fund democracy abroad, they’ll argue, if Ukraine is backsliding into the very dysfunction it vowed to leave behind?
What happens next?
The question now must be asked: what comes next? Will journalists who probe too deeply into the alleged misdeeds of those in Zelensky’s inner circle be targeted next?
It’s not an idle concern. We’ve already seen how little regard the president — and his handpicked, fiercely loyal new prime minister, Yulia Svyrydenko — have for a free, independent, and inquisitive media. Just last month at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome, the issue of rebuilding the country’s ailing media sector was deliberately left off the agenda — despite appeals from more than 40 media organizations, including Reporters Without Borders.
In a democratic Ukraine, investigative journalism must not be treated as a nuisance. It is a cornerstone of reform — and a vital check on power, especially during wartime.
Reform or relapse?
Some defenders of the law insist it’s a wartime necessity — a tool to investigate missing persons and speed up bureaucracy. But that explanation rings hollow, especially coming just days after NABU opened a case into a powerful Zelensky ally, and the SBU raided its offices without warrants.
This isn’t reform. It’s regression.
Zelensky was elected on a promise of change — and rewarded with an extraordinary level of trust. That trust is now fraying. The war is no excuse for dismantling the very institutions meant to uphold democracy and integrity. Especially not now, when Ukraine needs all the goodwill — and funding — it can get..
Michael Bociurkiw.